The second All Africa Games were held in Lagos in Nigeria in January 1973. The performance of Uganda still stands as overwhelmingly her best ever at these Africa Games. In the athletics realm, Uganda ended up with 6 gold medals, 2 bronze medals, and 4 bronze medals, placing Uganda fourth overall behind Kenya, Ghana, and Nigeria, respectively. The Uganda female athletes won four gold medals (Christine Anyakun [800 meters], Peace Kesiime [1500 meters], Constance Rwabiryagye [Javelin throw], and the 4 x 400 meters-relay) and two bronze medals (Budesia Nyakecho [100 meters-hurdles] and Christine Kabanda [long jump]. It was the women's performance that elevated Uganda's performance at the Games. The sole Uganda men's gold medals were won by John Akii-Bua (400 meters-hurdles) and Yovan Ochola (hammer). During the 1960's and 1970's era, likely because of educational and employment access, Uganda women were ahead of their neighboring Kenya women in the realm of sports.
Men:
-400 Meters-Hurdles. John Akii-Bua-Uganda Gold medal (48.54 seconds); William Koskei-Kenya Silver medal (50.22 seconds); Silver Ayoo-Uganda Bronze medal (50.25 seconds).
-Triple Jump. Mansour Dia-Senegal Gold medal (16.53 meters); Abraham Munabi-Uganda Silver medal (16.26 meters); Moise Pomaney-Ghana Bronze medal (16.09 meters).
-Hammer Throw. Yovan Ochola-Uganda Gold medal (50.64 meters); Gabriel Luzira-Uganda Silver medal (49.86 meters); Nagmeddin Shaheen-Egypt Bronze medal (47.58 meters).
-4 x 400 Meters Relay. Kenya Gold medal (3 minute, 6.38 seconds); Nigeria Silver medal (3 minutes, 6.98 seconds); Uganda Bronze medal (3 minutes, 7.21 seconds).
Women:
-800 Meters. Christine Anyakun-Uganda Gold medal (2 minutes, 9.5 seconds); Rosalind Joshua-Nigeria silver medal (2 minutes, 10.7 seconds); Helena Opoku-Ghana Bronze medal (2 minutes, 11.7 seconds).
1500 Meters. Peace Kesiime-Uganda Gold medal (4 minutes, 38.7 seconds); Mary Wagaki-Kenya Silver medal (4 minutes, 38.8 seconds); Ruth Yeboah-Ghana Bronze medal (4 minutes, 42.3 seconds).
100 Meters-Hurdles. Modupe Oshikoya-Nigeria Gold medal (14.28 seconds); Emilia Edet-Nigeria Silver medal (14.48 seconds); Budesia Nyakecho-Uganda Bronze medal (15.29 seconds).
Long Jump. Modupe Oshikoya-Nigeria Gold medal (6.16 meters); Margaret Odafin-Nigeria Silver medal (6.07 meters); Christine Kabanda-Uganda Bronze medal (5.73 meters).
Javelin Throw. Constance Rwabiryagye-Uganda Gold medal (47.50 meters); Lillian Cherotich-Kenya Silver medal (41.94 meters); Angelina Chekpiyeng-Kenya Bronze medal (39.12 meters).
4 x 400 Meters-Relay. Uganda Gold medal (3 minutes, 45.42 seconds); Nigeria Silver medal (3 minutes, 45.69 seconds); Kenya Bronze medal (3 minutes, 46.06 seconds).
Additional Uganda gold medal wins were in boxing: James Odwori and Daniel Omolo. Uganda, with an overall medal tally of 8 gold, 6 silver, and 6 bronze medals emerged fifth overall on the continent behind Egypt, Nigeria, Kenya, and Ghana, respectively. This was a milestone for Uganda. The nation has thereafter never got even remotely close to that performance at the All-Africa Games.
Jonathan Musere
Monday, August 30, 2010
Saturday, August 28, 2010
Verses in the Bible on Homosexuality and Other Sins and Vices
If a man practices homosexuality, having sex with another man as with a woman, both men have committed a detestable act. They must both be put to death, for they are guilty of a capital offense. Leviticus 20:13
The law is for people who are sexually immoral, or who practice homosexuality, or are slave traders, liars, promise breakers, or who do anything else that contradicts the wholesome teaching. 1 Timothy: 10
Do not practice homosexuality, having sex with another man as with a woman. It is a detestable sin. Leviticus 18: 22
Or do you not know that the unrighteous will not inherit the kingdom of God? Do not be deceived: neither the sexually immoral, nor idolaters, nor adulterers, nor men who practice homosexuality, nor thieves, nor the greedy, nor drunkards, nor revilers, nor swindlers will inherit the kingdom of God. 1 Corinthians 6:9-10
But as for the cowardly, the faithless, the detestable, as for murderers, the sexually immoral, sorcerers, idolaters, and all liars, their portion will be in the lake that burns with fire and sulfur, which is the second death. Revelation 21:8
Outside are the dogs and sorcerers and the sexually immoral and murderers and idolaters, and everyone who loves and practices falsehood. Revelation 22:15
...the works of the flesh are evident: sexual immorality, impurity, sensuality, idolatry, sorcery, enmity, strife, jealousy, fits of anger, rivalries, dissensions, divisions, envy, drunkenness, orgies, and things like these. I warn you, as I warned you before, that those who do such things will not inherit the kingdom of God. Galatians 5:19-21
For you may be sure of this, that everyone who is sexually immoral or impure, or who is covetous that is, an idolater), has no inheritance in the kingdom of Christ and God. Ephesians 5:5.
...shameful acts. Even their women exchanged natural relations for unnatural ones. In the same way the men also abandoned natural relations with women and were inflamed with lust for one another. Men committed indecent acts with other men, and received in themselves the due penalty for their perversion. Romans 1:26-27.
Jonathan Musere
The law is for people who are sexually immoral, or who practice homosexuality, or are slave traders, liars, promise breakers, or who do anything else that contradicts the wholesome teaching. 1 Timothy: 10
Do not practice homosexuality, having sex with another man as with a woman. It is a detestable sin. Leviticus 18: 22
Or do you not know that the unrighteous will not inherit the kingdom of God? Do not be deceived: neither the sexually immoral, nor idolaters, nor adulterers, nor men who practice homosexuality, nor thieves, nor the greedy, nor drunkards, nor revilers, nor swindlers will inherit the kingdom of God. 1 Corinthians 6:9-10
But as for the cowardly, the faithless, the detestable, as for murderers, the sexually immoral, sorcerers, idolaters, and all liars, their portion will be in the lake that burns with fire and sulfur, which is the second death. Revelation 21:8
Outside are the dogs and sorcerers and the sexually immoral and murderers and idolaters, and everyone who loves and practices falsehood. Revelation 22:15
...the works of the flesh are evident: sexual immorality, impurity, sensuality, idolatry, sorcery, enmity, strife, jealousy, fits of anger, rivalries, dissensions, divisions, envy, drunkenness, orgies, and things like these. I warn you, as I warned you before, that those who do such things will not inherit the kingdom of God. Galatians 5:19-21
For you may be sure of this, that everyone who is sexually immoral or impure, or who is covetous that is, an idolater), has no inheritance in the kingdom of Christ and God. Ephesians 5:5.
...shameful acts. Even their women exchanged natural relations for unnatural ones. In the same way the men also abandoned natural relations with women and were inflamed with lust for one another. Men committed indecent acts with other men, and received in themselves the due penalty for their perversion. Romans 1:26-27.
Jonathan Musere
Thursday, August 5, 2010
"Once Upon a Time in Africa: Stories of Wisdom and Joy"--Review of Joseph G. Healey's Collection
"Once Upon a Time in Africa: Stories of Wisdom and Joy" (Orbis Books, 2004), compiled by Joseph G. Healey, is a unique and intriguing book that remarkably captures the essence of African society in response to and in cooperation with Christianity, other religions, and other foreign influences. But this is not an academic book laden with complex and boring theories. Rather, the book contains close to 100 short stories that convey experiences of east Africans with Christian missionaries from the west. Each story is unique and can convey an African parable, an abridged African story, an encounter with a group of Africans, missionary work in African schools, African response to death and dying, the extent to which Africans compete with each other relative to other world societies, the importance of Africans sharing and running together, how Africans perceive Christianity and foreign behavior, etc. Many of the stories are humorous, but the value message does not become lost. A Maasai moran wonders how great Jesus was. Relating to the Maasai aspect of recognizing greatness and manhood, the moran questions whether Jesus ever killed a lion and how many wives he had.
In a running competition, a nun wonders why the schoolgirls keep crossing the finishing line together. They tell her that they do not want to leave anyone behind, they want to finish together. Many of these stories convey African society as highly cooperative, not heavily dwelling on a person outpointing and crushing the other and taking the spotlight. Africans traditionally do not want to be separated from each other, and will work hard to stay together even when threatened by differences in religious belief. They are far less materialistic than many other societies of the world, they can achieve joy and happiness in the face of poverty and misfortune; they are generally not imbued with that western spirit of materialism, monopoly, and selfishness.
Africans believe in re-incarnation, believing that the spirit of a good person always returns to earth through a newborn, dead ancestors are guardian angels. African societies are shown to have their accounts of creation. African proverbs are numerous and tell a lot about Africans. In the book, Africans are portrayed in their homes, the gardens, in church, in prayer, in hunting, at work, etc. This is indeed a book about African joy and wisdom concisely illustrated with short significant stories, tales, proverbs, encounters and happenings.
Father Joseph Healey, who is originally from the United States and has operated in east Africa for several decades, managed to compile a gem of a book that one never gets tired of reading. Healey's extensive practical familiarization with many African languages and ways of life made him the ideal candidate to compile this heart-warming and objective volume. More than any other text, the book illustrates joy and wisdom in the day-to-day basic lives of Africans and their response to a new world that gets smaller and smaller and becomes more connected. The contents also illustrate how people from other parts of the world practically respond to and perceive African life. The stories in this book are short, but their messages are very powerful. Lessons on Africa are conveyed through aspects of adventure, ministering, religion, folklore, prayer, stories, African culture, poetry, spirituality, and tales.
Jonathan Musere
In a running competition, a nun wonders why the schoolgirls keep crossing the finishing line together. They tell her that they do not want to leave anyone behind, they want to finish together. Many of these stories convey African society as highly cooperative, not heavily dwelling on a person outpointing and crushing the other and taking the spotlight. Africans traditionally do not want to be separated from each other, and will work hard to stay together even when threatened by differences in religious belief. They are far less materialistic than many other societies of the world, they can achieve joy and happiness in the face of poverty and misfortune; they are generally not imbued with that western spirit of materialism, monopoly, and selfishness.
Africans believe in re-incarnation, believing that the spirit of a good person always returns to earth through a newborn, dead ancestors are guardian angels. African societies are shown to have their accounts of creation. African proverbs are numerous and tell a lot about Africans. In the book, Africans are portrayed in their homes, the gardens, in church, in prayer, in hunting, at work, etc. This is indeed a book about African joy and wisdom concisely illustrated with short significant stories, tales, proverbs, encounters and happenings.
Father Joseph Healey, who is originally from the United States and has operated in east Africa for several decades, managed to compile a gem of a book that one never gets tired of reading. Healey's extensive practical familiarization with many African languages and ways of life made him the ideal candidate to compile this heart-warming and objective volume. More than any other text, the book illustrates joy and wisdom in the day-to-day basic lives of Africans and their response to a new world that gets smaller and smaller and becomes more connected. The contents also illustrate how people from other parts of the world practically respond to and perceive African life. The stories in this book are short, but their messages are very powerful. Lessons on Africa are conveyed through aspects of adventure, ministering, religion, folklore, prayer, stories, African culture, poetry, spirituality, and tales.
Jonathan Musere
Proverbial Names of Africans
Though the subject is inadequately explored, many African personal names are associated with African proverbs. Such names stand for words of wisdom, with respect to such aspects as intelligence, friendship, cooperation, trust and mistrust, thankfulness and unappreciation, humility, giving, ignorance, showiness, boastfulness, jealousy, allegiance, alertness, warning, defense, laziness, speed, hastiness, bravery, cowardice, and patience. The Baganda of Uganda have quite a generous assortment of proverbial names. But though there can be slight variations in the message the namer who allots the proverbial name conveys, there exist standard interpretations for the proverbs and the associated proverbial names. However, there can be more than one interpretation of the proverb, and a proverbial name can be associated with more than one proverb. Also, many of the names that are originally proverbial names have become greatly associated with particular clans and families. In this case, the proverbial name becomes more of a kinship identifier, more than what it means in association with the proverb that it denotes.
The personal name Tamusuza "the one not housing the person" is commonly associated with the proverb, "Atamusuza y'amutenda eggonjebwa" 'The one not housing (or looking after) the person, praises this person for being meek, kind, and polite.' It implies that observations are not as praiseworthy as they seem to be, as synonymous with, "Appearances are deceptive."
In the proverb, "Ebigambo tebyasa (~tibyasa) mutwe, nga tebabyogera ku ggwe" 'Words will not shatter your head, just as long as they are not spoken of you,' it is implied that actions and words which appear as trivial to a person they are not directed to, can be significantly hurtful and negatively loaded toward the person the words are directed to. Names associated with this proverb include, Bigambo 'words, sayings, matters, affairs;' Tebyasa/Tibyasa 'words do not shatter' and Mutwe 'head.'
In the proverb, "Enkoko eteefe, etuusa mugenyi" 'The chicken that will not die, would bring fort (or welcomes) a visitor,' the "chicken" represents the would-be victim. The aphorism is subject to several interpretations. In the instance of expecting or getting visitors, the host refrains from killing the chicken for his own meal consumption, thereby giving the chicken the opportunity to live longer. And, the arrival of a visitor can be beneficial, insofar as, the hosts can then turn their attention to the visitor instead of continuing with an ongoing and counterproductive household argument. Additionally, a child who was about to be severely punished, would likely be spared upon the arrival of a vistor. This would be the result of the joy that follows the visitor's arrival; and because the host who was about to mete out the punishment does not want to spoil the occasion by punishing his child, there and then. Similar to this foregone interpretation, a wife-beating or spousal conflict that was about to take place or is going to be severe, is often refrained from or dissolved, upon the arrival of a visitor. Personal names associated with this proverb are, Nkoko 'chicken, hen,' Teefe 'the chicken that will not die,' and Mugenyi 'visitor.'
The personal name Tebujjadda '(lameness) does not come later, in life,' is commonly associated with the proverb, "Obulema tebujja dda" 'Lameness does not come later, in life.' The implication here is that the virtues and vices of a person are displayed early in the person's life; they do not just show up, later in life, from nowhere. The proverb also conveys the message that the young should always be wary and not to think of themselves as invincibly invulnerable to defects and mishaps that are commonly associated with old age.
References
Musere, Jonathan. African Names and Naming. Los Angeles, CA: Ariko Publications, 2000.
The personal name Tamusuza "the one not housing the person" is commonly associated with the proverb, "Atamusuza y'amutenda eggonjebwa" 'The one not housing (or looking after) the person, praises this person for being meek, kind, and polite.' It implies that observations are not as praiseworthy as they seem to be, as synonymous with, "Appearances are deceptive."
In the proverb, "Ebigambo tebyasa (~tibyasa) mutwe, nga tebabyogera ku ggwe" 'Words will not shatter your head, just as long as they are not spoken of you,' it is implied that actions and words which appear as trivial to a person they are not directed to, can be significantly hurtful and negatively loaded toward the person the words are directed to. Names associated with this proverb include, Bigambo 'words, sayings, matters, affairs;' Tebyasa/Tibyasa 'words do not shatter' and Mutwe 'head.'
In the proverb, "Enkoko eteefe, etuusa mugenyi" 'The chicken that will not die, would bring fort (or welcomes) a visitor,' the "chicken" represents the would-be victim. The aphorism is subject to several interpretations. In the instance of expecting or getting visitors, the host refrains from killing the chicken for his own meal consumption, thereby giving the chicken the opportunity to live longer. And, the arrival of a visitor can be beneficial, insofar as, the hosts can then turn their attention to the visitor instead of continuing with an ongoing and counterproductive household argument. Additionally, a child who was about to be severely punished, would likely be spared upon the arrival of a vistor. This would be the result of the joy that follows the visitor's arrival; and because the host who was about to mete out the punishment does not want to spoil the occasion by punishing his child, there and then. Similar to this foregone interpretation, a wife-beating or spousal conflict that was about to take place or is going to be severe, is often refrained from or dissolved, upon the arrival of a visitor. Personal names associated with this proverb are, Nkoko 'chicken, hen,' Teefe 'the chicken that will not die,' and Mugenyi 'visitor.'
The personal name Tebujjadda '(lameness) does not come later, in life,' is commonly associated with the proverb, "Obulema tebujja dda" 'Lameness does not come later, in life.' The implication here is that the virtues and vices of a person are displayed early in the person's life; they do not just show up, later in life, from nowhere. The proverb also conveys the message that the young should always be wary and not to think of themselves as invincibly invulnerable to defects and mishaps that are commonly associated with old age.
References
Musere, Jonathan. African Names and Naming. Los Angeles, CA: Ariko Publications, 2000.
African Personal Names in Religion, Birth Order, and Occupation
A name bestowed on an African child can traditionally depend on birth order in the family, and the occupation the family is associated with. The name can reflect names of deities and other religious entities in the culture. A name can also reflect praise or expectations of the child. Many African names reflect circumstances at birth that can include praise or negative opinion of neighbors or other family members.
Many African names reflect the composition of the family. Hence, they can reflect discontentment over gender imbalances among family offspring, family ancestry, and the family in extended form.
Children are named after their forefathers so as to appease the ancestral spirits, given that dead ancestors of good reputation are believed to have become spirits who protect their descendants. The ancestral spirits are also said to be mediators, whereby they plead to God for protection and mercy toward their descendants. Because ancestral spirits protect their living descendants, they are carefully appeased through carrying out the proper observances and referring to them with respect. In many of the ethnic groups of the Bantu African mega group, the first-born male is named after his paternal grandfather, the second-born is named after his father, and those who follow in birth-order are less specifically named, but are many are named after a variety of forefathers and forefathers' brothers and their other relatives. This allows for ancestors to be retained in history, given that they are mentioned in everyday speech. It is also believed that the spirits of ancestors watch over their namesakes. Many names that are associated with clans are often descendent from ancestors of good reputation or status. Many of the children of the same family line are given names of such ancestors.
Among the Nuba of southern Kordofan in Sudan, the first-born son is called Kuku, the second is Kafi, the third is Tia, the fourth-born son is given the female name Tia in case a daughter has not been born, and the fifth son is named Nalu. Regarding girls, if a daughter is born first she is called Kaka, the second-born is Toto, the third is named Koshe, the fourth is Kiki (or Ngori, or Kikingori), and the fifth-born (regardless of gender) is named Nalu (Seligman 1932: 386-387). Giving a boy a female name, or vice versa, is a displaying of gender preference. A first-born child who is female can thus be given a male name, though she would be given a proper female name upon the birth of a male sibling. Names can therefore also exhibit quantity of births in the family, as well as progeny sequence of birth.
Names have numerous origins. Many began as nicknames, many as proverbial names. Many are derived from occupations and their implements, many are adapted from neighbors' and foreigners' names, while many reflect natural phenomena. It is also common for a child to be given the name of a renowned person who is not related to the family. It was very common, in the past for people to take on names of their neighbors through a variety of assimilation processes. These included conquest and capture, blood-brotherhood rituals, merging of clans into one, marriage, and long-term residence in a clan village.
Names can corroborate the spiritual or religious backdrop of the child. A name can, therefore, reflect gratitude towards the Supernatural for the birth of the child. Among the Baganda of Uganda, despite the extensive conversions to Christianity and Islam from the nineteenth century, the names of the native deities are still honored and they still serve as popular personal names. Names of the Goddesses of the Baganda include Nakayaga, Nalwoga, Nagaddya (Nagajja), Nanziri, and Namirembe. The Gods include Sserwanga (Lwanga), Mukasa, Kyobe Kibuuka, Kiwanuka, Musisi, Musoke, Muwanga, and Kitinda. Names that express gratitude to supernatural agencies for the birth of the child given the name, are common. The Zulu use the names Bonginkosi 'thank the Lord,' Sipho 'gift (from God),' Thembinkosi 'trust the Lord,' Sibongile 'we are grateful,' and Bongani 'be ye grateful' (Koopman 1987: 148-149).
Names can also promulgate an opinion of negative or positive bearing that the namer may direct to neighbors, family and kin, enemies, the newborn itself, or even to ancestral spirits and Gods. The Shona of central and southern Africa have such names as Ruvengo 'hatred,' Hamundidi 'you do not love me,' Vengwa 'the hated one,' Masemani 'you despised me,' Ibvai 'get away,' Mativengerei 'why have you been hating us?' and Chomunorwa 'what is all the fighting about?' (Jackson 1957: 116-117).
A name that embodies the expectations the parents have of their child is intended to serve as inspiration for the youngster. The Xhosa of southern Africa employ such names as Khokela 'guide,' Mxolisi 'peacemaker,' Malusi 'shepherd,' Solomzi 'eye of the home,' Thembeka 'be faithful,' Thozama 'be meek,' Mcebisi 'counselor,' and Monde 'perseverance' (Thipa: 1987: 116-117).
Noleen Turner assembles an impressive field survey collection of names of the Zulu of southern Africa. Tuner points out that many African names have psychological functions, they can express discontentment and censuring within the societal and domestic setting within which the names operate (1992: 42). On the same page, Turner continues about Zulu names.
"...social function in working out stress situations, minimizing friction and providing a means of acceptance or indirect comment in a situation where direct confrontation or even accusation is unacceptable."
Turner(1992: 55-56) summarizes that African names can "express dissatisfaction or vent frustration," and "cast suspicion or level accusation." The names can function to "ridicule, mock, or warn against an unacceptable mode of behavior," and can function to "challenge a person who by virtue of his or her position, precludes normal channels of criticism and censure." Turner also finds that African names can portray the disputing of allegations that were made, as well as informing the party that "has made the allegations, that the namer is well aware of the situation."
Though by and large, one or both of the parents have the precedence in the naming, in many societies the extended family tremendously influences this process which can involve extensive discussion and debate. There are cases, for example, where the combination of the mother, the traditional midwife (during and after the delivery of the child), and the child's paternal grandmother have exclusive powers in the naming. One can therefore imagine why in many African societies, there exists a breadth of names that openly portray negative and even derogatory remarks about one or both of the parents. The African naming ceremonies vary, from society to society.
References
Koopman, Adrian. "Zulu Names and Other Modes of Address." Nomina Africana 1, no. 1 (1987): 136-164.
Musere, Jonathan. African Names and Naming. Los Angeles, CA: Ariko, 2000.
Seligman, C.G. and Brenda G. Seligman. Pagan Tribes of the Nilotic Sudan. London, England: George Routledge and Sons, 1932.
Thipa, H.M. "What Shall We Name Him?" Nomina Africana 1, no. 2 (1987): 107-117.
Turner, Noleen S. "Zulu Names as Echoes of Censure, Discontent, and Disapproval Within the Domestic Environment." Nomina Africana 6, no. 2 (1992): 42-56.
Jonathan Musere
Many African names reflect the composition of the family. Hence, they can reflect discontentment over gender imbalances among family offspring, family ancestry, and the family in extended form.
Children are named after their forefathers so as to appease the ancestral spirits, given that dead ancestors of good reputation are believed to have become spirits who protect their descendants. The ancestral spirits are also said to be mediators, whereby they plead to God for protection and mercy toward their descendants. Because ancestral spirits protect their living descendants, they are carefully appeased through carrying out the proper observances and referring to them with respect. In many of the ethnic groups of the Bantu African mega group, the first-born male is named after his paternal grandfather, the second-born is named after his father, and those who follow in birth-order are less specifically named, but are many are named after a variety of forefathers and forefathers' brothers and their other relatives. This allows for ancestors to be retained in history, given that they are mentioned in everyday speech. It is also believed that the spirits of ancestors watch over their namesakes. Many names that are associated with clans are often descendent from ancestors of good reputation or status. Many of the children of the same family line are given names of such ancestors.
Among the Nuba of southern Kordofan in Sudan, the first-born son is called Kuku, the second is Kafi, the third is Tia, the fourth-born son is given the female name Tia in case a daughter has not been born, and the fifth son is named Nalu. Regarding girls, if a daughter is born first she is called Kaka, the second-born is Toto, the third is named Koshe, the fourth is Kiki (or Ngori, or Kikingori), and the fifth-born (regardless of gender) is named Nalu (Seligman 1932: 386-387). Giving a boy a female name, or vice versa, is a displaying of gender preference. A first-born child who is female can thus be given a male name, though she would be given a proper female name upon the birth of a male sibling. Names can therefore also exhibit quantity of births in the family, as well as progeny sequence of birth.
Names have numerous origins. Many began as nicknames, many as proverbial names. Many are derived from occupations and their implements, many are adapted from neighbors' and foreigners' names, while many reflect natural phenomena. It is also common for a child to be given the name of a renowned person who is not related to the family. It was very common, in the past for people to take on names of their neighbors through a variety of assimilation processes. These included conquest and capture, blood-brotherhood rituals, merging of clans into one, marriage, and long-term residence in a clan village.
Names can corroborate the spiritual or religious backdrop of the child. A name can, therefore, reflect gratitude towards the Supernatural for the birth of the child. Among the Baganda of Uganda, despite the extensive conversions to Christianity and Islam from the nineteenth century, the names of the native deities are still honored and they still serve as popular personal names. Names of the Goddesses of the Baganda include Nakayaga, Nalwoga, Nagaddya (Nagajja), Nanziri, and Namirembe. The Gods include Sserwanga (Lwanga), Mukasa, Kyobe Kibuuka, Kiwanuka, Musisi, Musoke, Muwanga, and Kitinda. Names that express gratitude to supernatural agencies for the birth of the child given the name, are common. The Zulu use the names Bonginkosi 'thank the Lord,' Sipho 'gift (from God),' Thembinkosi 'trust the Lord,' Sibongile 'we are grateful,' and Bongani 'be ye grateful' (Koopman 1987: 148-149).
Names can also promulgate an opinion of negative or positive bearing that the namer may direct to neighbors, family and kin, enemies, the newborn itself, or even to ancestral spirits and Gods. The Shona of central and southern Africa have such names as Ruvengo 'hatred,' Hamundidi 'you do not love me,' Vengwa 'the hated one,' Masemani 'you despised me,' Ibvai 'get away,' Mativengerei 'why have you been hating us?' and Chomunorwa 'what is all the fighting about?' (Jackson 1957: 116-117).
A name that embodies the expectations the parents have of their child is intended to serve as inspiration for the youngster. The Xhosa of southern Africa employ such names as Khokela 'guide,' Mxolisi 'peacemaker,' Malusi 'shepherd,' Solomzi 'eye of the home,' Thembeka 'be faithful,' Thozama 'be meek,' Mcebisi 'counselor,' and Monde 'perseverance' (Thipa: 1987: 116-117).
Noleen Turner assembles an impressive field survey collection of names of the Zulu of southern Africa. Tuner points out that many African names have psychological functions, they can express discontentment and censuring within the societal and domestic setting within which the names operate (1992: 42). On the same page, Turner continues about Zulu names.
"...social function in working out stress situations, minimizing friction and providing a means of acceptance or indirect comment in a situation where direct confrontation or even accusation is unacceptable."
Turner(1992: 55-56) summarizes that African names can "express dissatisfaction or vent frustration," and "cast suspicion or level accusation." The names can function to "ridicule, mock, or warn against an unacceptable mode of behavior," and can function to "challenge a person who by virtue of his or her position, precludes normal channels of criticism and censure." Turner also finds that African names can portray the disputing of allegations that were made, as well as informing the party that "has made the allegations, that the namer is well aware of the situation."
Though by and large, one or both of the parents have the precedence in the naming, in many societies the extended family tremendously influences this process which can involve extensive discussion and debate. There are cases, for example, where the combination of the mother, the traditional midwife (during and after the delivery of the child), and the child's paternal grandmother have exclusive powers in the naming. One can therefore imagine why in many African societies, there exists a breadth of names that openly portray negative and even derogatory remarks about one or both of the parents. The African naming ceremonies vary, from society to society.
References
Koopman, Adrian. "Zulu Names and Other Modes of Address." Nomina Africana 1, no. 1 (1987): 136-164.
Musere, Jonathan. African Names and Naming. Los Angeles, CA: Ariko, 2000.
Seligman, C.G. and Brenda G. Seligman. Pagan Tribes of the Nilotic Sudan. London, England: George Routledge and Sons, 1932.
Thipa, H.M. "What Shall We Name Him?" Nomina Africana 1, no. 2 (1987): 107-117.
Turner, Noleen S. "Zulu Names as Echoes of Censure, Discontent, and Disapproval Within the Domestic Environment." Nomina Africana 6, no. 2 (1992): 42-56.
Jonathan Musere
Jonathan Musere: Major Works of Writing
Southern Californians' Attitudes to Immigrants: Blacks Compared to Other Ethnics
by Jonathan Musere
ISBN: 0964596938
ISBN-13: 9780964596931
Format: Paperback, 167pp
Publisher: Ariko Publications
Pub. Date: March 2000
+++++
Traditional African Names
by Jonathan Musere
Format: Hardcover, 416pp
Publisher: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
Pub. Date: December 1999
ISBN-13: 9780810836433
416pp
+++++
African Proverbs and Proverbial Names
by Jonathan Musere
Publisher: Ariko Publications
Pub. Date: April 1999
ISBN-13: 9780964596924
Paperback: 216pp
+++++
African Ethnics and Personal Names
By Jonathan Musere, Christopher Odhiambo
ISBN: 0964596911
ISBN-13: 9780964596917
Format: Paperback, 281pp
Publisher: Ariko Publications
Pub. Date: January 1999
281pp
+++++
African Names and Naming
by Jonathan Musere, Shirley C. Byakutaga
Publisher: Ariko Publications
Format: Paperback, 157pp
Pub. Date: June 1998
ISBN-13: 9780964596900
157pp
+++++
African Sleeping Sickness: Political Ecology, Colonialism, and Control in Uganda
by Jonathan Musere
Publisher: Edwin Mellen Press
Pub. Date: October 1990
ISBN-10: 0889462801
ISBN-13: 978-0889462809
Hardcover: 208 pages
by Jonathan Musere
ISBN: 0964596938
ISBN-13: 9780964596931
Format: Paperback, 167pp
Publisher: Ariko Publications
Pub. Date: March 2000
+++++
Traditional African Names
by Jonathan Musere
Format: Hardcover, 416pp
Publisher: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
Pub. Date: December 1999
ISBN-13: 9780810836433
416pp
+++++
African Proverbs and Proverbial Names
by Jonathan Musere
Publisher: Ariko Publications
Pub. Date: April 1999
ISBN-13: 9780964596924
Paperback: 216pp
+++++
African Ethnics and Personal Names
By Jonathan Musere, Christopher Odhiambo
ISBN: 0964596911
ISBN-13: 9780964596917
Format: Paperback, 281pp
Publisher: Ariko Publications
Pub. Date: January 1999
281pp
+++++
African Names and Naming
by Jonathan Musere, Shirley C. Byakutaga
Publisher: Ariko Publications
Format: Paperback, 157pp
Pub. Date: June 1998
ISBN-13: 9780964596900
157pp
+++++
African Sleeping Sickness: Political Ecology, Colonialism, and Control in Uganda
by Jonathan Musere
Publisher: Edwin Mellen Press
Pub. Date: October 1990
ISBN-10: 0889462801
ISBN-13: 978-0889462809
Hardcover: 208 pages
"The Famous Five: A Personal Anecdotage": A Book by Stephen B.Isabirye
Universally acknowledged British author Enid Blyton is a beloved 20th century children's adventure books' writer. A dedicated and intriguing author, more and more continues to be dissected about Enid Blyton. Stephen Isabirye convincingly delves into the mind of Enid Blyton as he offers his comprehensive and remarkably detailed analysis of Enid Blyton. This is first analysis of Enid Blyton from an international perspective, and the book is a lengthy wealth of details. The perspective goes beyond Blyton's "Famous Five" series, bringing into perspective and comparison other writings by Blyton. Isabirye goes into the social backdrop, the environmental and political aspects of the era of Blytonian writing, the setting of the powerful British Empire and colonial incursions at the time, the ancient and contemporary literature that likely influenced Blyton.
Further, what apparently were Blyton's role models and what impact did they have on the impressive long list of books that Blyton wrote so wonderfully? These are some of the many aspects that Isabirye uncovers. Isabirye goes as far as to compare Blyton with such writers as American Mark Twain, African authors such as Cyprian Ekwensi and Barbara Kimenyi; Isabirye goes into ancient mythology that may have influenced Blyton, into theses in Blytonian writing that are similar to those in past literature. Isabirye analyses the extent to which Blytonian writing was influenced by the racist climate of the time; he looks into how and why characters in Blyton's literature are racially and genetically distinguishable in line with their behavioral characteristics and expectations. Authors like James Baldwin and countless others are presented to help us understand and appreciate the magnitude of Enid Blyton. Oh, and even American humorist Dick Gregory is brought into the picture. The unique and unexpected is indeed in this volume!
What was Enid Blyton as a mother? It is revealed in the book that Blyton was an overzealous and voluminous book writer with less than expected dedication to her children. But Blyton gives a variety of familial characteristics, and a variety of settings to the British environment and adventure in which the characters operated. Blyton wrote for decades, and the author displays how the changes in aspects of Blyton's writings reflected changing times.
Isabirye efficiently answers the question of why famous Blyton has never taken a firm hold in the American landscape. What American literary works had similarities to those of Blyton? What book marketing aspects have a lot do do with it? What about the British versus the American English? What about the competitive rivalry between American and British authors? Isabirye dedicates his lengthy volume to delving into such issues.
The width and breadth into which Dr. Stephen Isabirye delves into, in dissecting "The Famous Five," is impressive. He employs details of countless references from literature from all over the world and produces a volume that will forever be a tour de force in understanding and appreciating the life and works of Enid Blyton. Isabirye's analysis serves as a reference, textbook, and general literary work that can be used by students, scholars, researchers, and general readers. Isabirye is a literary author, whose extensive academic background in political science, history, and sociology fuels his capacity to produce such a wonderful volume.
Jonathan Musere
Further, what apparently were Blyton's role models and what impact did they have on the impressive long list of books that Blyton wrote so wonderfully? These are some of the many aspects that Isabirye uncovers. Isabirye goes as far as to compare Blyton with such writers as American Mark Twain, African authors such as Cyprian Ekwensi and Barbara Kimenyi; Isabirye goes into ancient mythology that may have influenced Blyton, into theses in Blytonian writing that are similar to those in past literature. Isabirye analyses the extent to which Blytonian writing was influenced by the racist climate of the time; he looks into how and why characters in Blyton's literature are racially and genetically distinguishable in line with their behavioral characteristics and expectations. Authors like James Baldwin and countless others are presented to help us understand and appreciate the magnitude of Enid Blyton. Oh, and even American humorist Dick Gregory is brought into the picture. The unique and unexpected is indeed in this volume!
What was Enid Blyton as a mother? It is revealed in the book that Blyton was an overzealous and voluminous book writer with less than expected dedication to her children. But Blyton gives a variety of familial characteristics, and a variety of settings to the British environment and adventure in which the characters operated. Blyton wrote for decades, and the author displays how the changes in aspects of Blyton's writings reflected changing times.
Isabirye efficiently answers the question of why famous Blyton has never taken a firm hold in the American landscape. What American literary works had similarities to those of Blyton? What book marketing aspects have a lot do do with it? What about the British versus the American English? What about the competitive rivalry between American and British authors? Isabirye dedicates his lengthy volume to delving into such issues.
The width and breadth into which Dr. Stephen Isabirye delves into, in dissecting "The Famous Five," is impressive. He employs details of countless references from literature from all over the world and produces a volume that will forever be a tour de force in understanding and appreciating the life and works of Enid Blyton. Isabirye's analysis serves as a reference, textbook, and general literary work that can be used by students, scholars, researchers, and general readers. Isabirye is a literary author, whose extensive academic background in political science, history, and sociology fuels his capacity to produce such a wonderful volume.
Jonathan Musere
Sunday, August 1, 2010
John "the Beast" Mugabi: Uganda's Olympic Boxing Loss at the 1980 Finals
Before he turned professional, famous Ugandan boxer John Paul "the Beast" Mugabi was simply John Mugabi--a young and hard-hitting, fast, promising boxer. After his silver medal win at the 1980 Olympics that were held in Moscow, 20 year-old Mugabi eyed the professional scene. Renowned British trainer and manager Mickey Duff noticed Mugabi and quickly enlisted him. Duff is one of many (including Ugandan Charles Lubulwa who participated in 3 Olympic tournaments) who opine that Mugabi was robbed of the Olympic gold medal. Into the professional ranks, Mugabi's ferocity, strength, and speed in the ring would earn him the nickname, "the Beast,"--one that Mugabi has voiced as unflattering, but which the world became stuck on referring to him.
It was in the Parish of the Sacred Heart in Nogales in Arizona that Mugabi while training for what would become his most epic battle, that with world middleweight champion "Marvelous" Marvin Hagler on 10th March 1986, that Mugabi would acquire the name Paul after baptism into Catholicism (Clive Gammon, "This Beast Is a Beauty," in 'Sports Illustrated'; March 03, 1986).
Semi-arid Nogales 'City of Walnut Trees', stringing along the Mexican border, is Arizona's biggest border town. Tiny Rio Rico is ten miles north of Nogales, and it is here at the Sheraton Hotel that a Mugabi training camp was set up in preparation for the Hagler encounter. Mugabi's trainer, instrumental to his getting baptized, was the same Father Anthony Clark---the parish priest.
Back in 1976, 16 year-old Mugabi won a welterweight silver medal after losing to American Herol Graham in the Junior Amateur World Boxing Championships. Interestingly, only weeks before Mugabi's battle with Hagler, Graham dethroned Ugandan Ayub Kalule of the European middleweight title after knocking him out in the tenth round. This fight would spell the end of Kalule's illustrious boxing career. Many have wondered what would have been the outcome of a bout between Kalule and Mugabi. There is a 6-year age difference, and Kalule had been an idol and mentor of young Mugabi years back in Kampala.
The Olympic Games of 1976, held in Montreal were boycotted by many nations, including Uganda. Ayub Kalule had been scheduled to fight for Uganda. He became a professional boxer. And so did team-mate Cornelius Bbosa who was later to become widely known as Cornelius Bosa (Boza) Edwards, and become a world junior-lightweight champion.
The major highlight of the Games in Montreal were the finals of the welterweight boxing division, the date 31st July 1976. Young American "Sugar" Ray Leonard, who planned to stop boxing and continue with school at the University of Maryland was pitted against a stronger and taller Cuban with a stellar knock-out record. This Andres Aldama who had knocked out all five of his previous opponents, was expected to win. But Leonard, similar to Muhammad Ali in his earlier career adopted a "hit-and-run" strategy, and elusively frustrated and angered the Cuban. As the Cuban charged, Leonard would throw in a rapid combination of solid and accurate punches and then retreat. It was like a David-Goliath slaughtering, that even involved the Cuban getting knocked down, and also taking two mandatory counts.
The Moscow Olympic finals of the welterweight division in boxing, 2nd August 1980, involved a second coming of the experienced dreaded Andres Aldama. Among his recent accolades was a gold medal win at the Pan African Games held in Puerto Rico in the previous year. Aldama's opponent John Mugabi at 20, was 4 years younger, far less experienced, and far less tested and known than himself. Each of the two boxers had knocked out four out of five of their previous Olympic boxing opponents. John Mugabi was Uganda's remaining prospect for gold.
In the first round Mugabi proved to be the more active one. He threw many jabs, but the tall southpaw Aldama kept most of them at bay, most were not hitting their target. Aldama seemed to be studying his opponent, sizing him up. The judges probably gave this round to Mugabi, just for the effort.
The second round saw Aldama come off his stool fighting hard and determined. He gained confidence as the round progressed, unleashing hard head-shots on Mugabi several times. Toward the end of the round, he caused Mugabi to briefly stumble. But Mugabi courageously counter-attacked, obviously without intention to cave in. And just like most capable southpaws, Aldama would sporadically confuse Mugabi by his switching to the orthodox boxing stance.
The third round was a war. Mugabi was landing blows to the head in the brawl, but Aldama's delivery was noticeably more significant. Aldama was also more accurate. Mugabi was tiring in the face of experience and stiff solid punches, and he briefly staggered from a hard punch. He did not yield to a knockdown, but a hypothetical fourth round would likely have resulted in Mugabi getting knocked out. Mugabi always had the strength and heart, but ineffectiveness at defending himself was his major career weakness.
The referee declared the fight a deserved 4-1 in favor of Aldama. The entirety of the fight is available on U-Tube. Thirty years later, legendary John Mugabi remains the last Ugandan to win an Olympic boxing medal.
Jonathan Musere
It was in the Parish of the Sacred Heart in Nogales in Arizona that Mugabi while training for what would become his most epic battle, that with world middleweight champion "Marvelous" Marvin Hagler on 10th March 1986, that Mugabi would acquire the name Paul after baptism into Catholicism (Clive Gammon, "This Beast Is a Beauty," in 'Sports Illustrated'; March 03, 1986).
Semi-arid Nogales 'City of Walnut Trees', stringing along the Mexican border, is Arizona's biggest border town. Tiny Rio Rico is ten miles north of Nogales, and it is here at the Sheraton Hotel that a Mugabi training camp was set up in preparation for the Hagler encounter. Mugabi's trainer, instrumental to his getting baptized, was the same Father Anthony Clark---the parish priest.
Back in 1976, 16 year-old Mugabi won a welterweight silver medal after losing to American Herol Graham in the Junior Amateur World Boxing Championships. Interestingly, only weeks before Mugabi's battle with Hagler, Graham dethroned Ugandan Ayub Kalule of the European middleweight title after knocking him out in the tenth round. This fight would spell the end of Kalule's illustrious boxing career. Many have wondered what would have been the outcome of a bout between Kalule and Mugabi. There is a 6-year age difference, and Kalule had been an idol and mentor of young Mugabi years back in Kampala.
The Olympic Games of 1976, held in Montreal were boycotted by many nations, including Uganda. Ayub Kalule had been scheduled to fight for Uganda. He became a professional boxer. And so did team-mate Cornelius Bbosa who was later to become widely known as Cornelius Bosa (Boza) Edwards, and become a world junior-lightweight champion.
The major highlight of the Games in Montreal were the finals of the welterweight boxing division, the date 31st July 1976. Young American "Sugar" Ray Leonard, who planned to stop boxing and continue with school at the University of Maryland was pitted against a stronger and taller Cuban with a stellar knock-out record. This Andres Aldama who had knocked out all five of his previous opponents, was expected to win. But Leonard, similar to Muhammad Ali in his earlier career adopted a "hit-and-run" strategy, and elusively frustrated and angered the Cuban. As the Cuban charged, Leonard would throw in a rapid combination of solid and accurate punches and then retreat. It was like a David-Goliath slaughtering, that even involved the Cuban getting knocked down, and also taking two mandatory counts.
The Moscow Olympic finals of the welterweight division in boxing, 2nd August 1980, involved a second coming of the experienced dreaded Andres Aldama. Among his recent accolades was a gold medal win at the Pan African Games held in Puerto Rico in the previous year. Aldama's opponent John Mugabi at 20, was 4 years younger, far less experienced, and far less tested and known than himself. Each of the two boxers had knocked out four out of five of their previous Olympic boxing opponents. John Mugabi was Uganda's remaining prospect for gold.
In the first round Mugabi proved to be the more active one. He threw many jabs, but the tall southpaw Aldama kept most of them at bay, most were not hitting their target. Aldama seemed to be studying his opponent, sizing him up. The judges probably gave this round to Mugabi, just for the effort.
The second round saw Aldama come off his stool fighting hard and determined. He gained confidence as the round progressed, unleashing hard head-shots on Mugabi several times. Toward the end of the round, he caused Mugabi to briefly stumble. But Mugabi courageously counter-attacked, obviously without intention to cave in. And just like most capable southpaws, Aldama would sporadically confuse Mugabi by his switching to the orthodox boxing stance.
The third round was a war. Mugabi was landing blows to the head in the brawl, but Aldama's delivery was noticeably more significant. Aldama was also more accurate. Mugabi was tiring in the face of experience and stiff solid punches, and he briefly staggered from a hard punch. He did not yield to a knockdown, but a hypothetical fourth round would likely have resulted in Mugabi getting knocked out. Mugabi always had the strength and heart, but ineffectiveness at defending himself was his major career weakness.
The referee declared the fight a deserved 4-1 in favor of Aldama. The entirety of the fight is available on U-Tube. Thirty years later, legendary John Mugabi remains the last Ugandan to win an Olympic boxing medal.
Jonathan Musere
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